Not only did academic historians attack popular history for its lack of objectivity, academic historians attacked popular history because its consumers and the general public, were fascinated with flashy topics. George Duby wrote that one hundred years after works on history withdrew from the marketplace because they were written only for those who understood history, these works were revised to become more available to the mass audiences (Popkin,154). In the 1960s and 1970s, popular historians such as Pierra Nora, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie and George Duby successfully marketed their works to mass audiences (Popkin,154). The debate between popular and academic history initiated another power struggle for control of historical studies. Due to its perceived lack of objectivity, “popular history is often looked down upon by more academically minded historians” (Norton, 2013). Popular history, however, came into conflict with Ranke’s legacy because its first purpose was to reach mass audiences, not to be objective. By the time that popular history surged in popularity in the 1960s and 1970s, Ranke’s legacy had already made a long-lasting major impact on the history profession. Ranke advocated that historians use “primary sources” and new “scientific” methods to write historical narratives (Popkin, 75-76). Ranke’s historiographic “revolution” inspired academic historians to be neutral within their works (Popkin,76). After World War 1, the “general faith in human progress that had underlain the development of academic history in the nineteenth century was shattered” and the struggle to define the past has continued to be a contested issue(Popkin,106).Įver since Leopold Von Ranke led the “professionalization” of history movement in the 19th century, academic history has attempted to provide a more accurate and factual account of the past (Popkin,76). In the 17th and 18th century, the Enlightenment historians challenged the Renaissance movement’s perspective on historical studies by emphasizing the progress of humanity instead of classical Roman and Greek works (Popkin,61).
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In 17th century France, King Louis XIV used propaganda history, such as Cardinal Bossuet’s Universal History, to defend “the absolute power” of the monarchy (Popkin,57). Through his use of new language from the 15th century, Valla’s historical work challenged the Catholic Church’s authority. In 1439-1440, Lorenzo Valla’s Discourse on the Forgery of Constantine challenged the Catholic Church’s claim that the Roman Emperor Constantine gave the Catholic Church jurisdiction over Rome in the 4th century (Popkin,48). He who controls the present controls the past” (Popkin,113).Įven though the term “History Wars” was not coined until the late 20th century, the power struggle over which historical works will be promoted and accepted has a rich historiographic tradition (Popkin,154). The debate on how historians should construct the past will have repercussions for the future of historical studies because, “he who controls the past controls the future. The historical construction of national identities is another crucial aspect of the “History Wars” as countries debate and have debated on historical themes such as nationalism and imperialism. In essence, a work of popular history is written for the purpose of reaching mass audiences while academic history is written for specialists. This essay will focus on the “History Wars” of conflicting historical narratives, different approaches to studying history, and ultimately the battle for authority with regards to the conflict between popular history and academic history (Popkin,154). History Wars The Battle for Historical Authority By James Hughes
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